經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦
演講稿可以按照用途、性質(zhì)等來劃分，是演講上一個(gè)重要的準(zhǔn)備工作。在當(dāng)今社會(huì)生活中，演講稿的使用越來越廣泛，那么問題來了，到底應(yīng)如何寫一份恰當(dāng)?shù)难葜v稿呢？以下是小編為大家整理的經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦，供大家參考借鑒，希望可以幫助到有需要的朋友。
經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦1
My friends, comrades, and fellow South Africans: I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy, and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore have placed the remaining years of my life in your , I extend my sincere and warmest gratitude to the millions of my compatriots and those in every corner of the globe who have campaigned tirelessly for my release. I extend special greetings to the people of Cape Town the city through which — which has been my home for three decades.
I salute the rank?and?file members of the ANC: You have sacrificed life and limb in the pursuit of the noble cause of our , like Solomon Mahlangu and Ashley Kriel, who have paid the ultimate price for the freedom of all South Africans. I salute the South African Communist Party for its sterling contribution to the struggle for democracy. You have survived 40 years of unrelenting persecution.
The memory of great communists like Moses Kotane, Yusuf Dadoo, Bram Fischer, and Moses Mabhida will be cherished for generations to come. I salute General Secretary Joe Slovo, one of our finest patriots. We are heartened by the fact that the alliance between ourselves and the Party remains as strong as it — it always , the National Education Crisis Committee, the South African Youth Congress, the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses, and COSATU and the many other formations of the Mass Democratic Movement. I also salute the Black Sash and the National Union of South African Students.
We note with pride that you have looked — that you have acted as the conscience of white South Africa. Even during the darkest days in the history of our struggle you held the flag of liberty high. The large?scale mass mobilization of the past few years is one of the key factors which led to the opening of the final chapter of our — Your organized strength is the pride of our movement. You remain the most dependable force in the struggle to end exploitation and oppression.
I greet the traditional leaders of our country — many among you continue to walk in the footsteps of great heroes like Hintsa and , you, the young lions. You, the young lions, have energized our entire struggle. I pay tribute to the mothers and wives and sisters of our nation. Without your support our struggle would not have reached this advanced stage. The sacrifice of the frontline states will be remembered by South Africans , black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security.
The mass campaigns of defiance and other actions of our organizations and people can onlyculminate in the establishment of continent is in calculable. The fabric of family life of millions of my people has been shattered. Millions are homeless and unemployed. Our economy — Our economy lies in ruins and our people are embroiled in political strife. Our resort to the armed struggle in 1960 with the formation of the military wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe, was a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid. The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today. We have no option but to continue. We express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement will be created soon so that there may no longer be the need for the armed , strategies, and , I feel duty?bound to make the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been democratically elected at a national conference.
This is a principle which must be upheld without any , I wish to report to you that my talks with the government have been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the country. We have not as yet begun discussing the basic demands of the struggle. I wish to stress that I myself have at no time entered into negotiations about the future of our country except to insist on a meeting between the ANC and the has gone further than any other Nationalist President in taking real steps to normalize the situation. However, there are further steps, as outlined in the Harare Declaration, that have to be met before negotiations on the basic demands of our people can begin.
Negotiations cannot take place — Negotiations cannot take place above the heads or behind the backs of our people. It is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non?racial basis. Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non?racial and unitary South Africa. And this reality is that we are still suffering under the policies of the Nationalist , so that the process towards democracy is rapid and uninterrupted. We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer wait.
Now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. To relax our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to come will not be able to role in a united democratic and non?racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony. In conclusion, I wish to quote my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I spoke: I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and — and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦2
Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.
Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.
Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.
The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.
It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
Greek's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.
The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.
This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.
Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.
I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.
經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦3
keep your direction
what would you do if you failed? many people may choose to give up. however, the surest way to success is to keep your direction and stick to your goal.
on your way to success, you must keep your direction. it is just like a lamp, guiding you in darkness and helping you overcome obstacles on your way. otherwise, you will easily get lost or hesitate to go ahead.
direction means objectives. you can get nowhere without an objective in life.
you can try to write your objective on paper and make some plans to achieve it. in this way, you will know how to arrange your time and to spend your time properly. and you should also have a belief that you are sure to succeed as long as you keep your direction all the time.
堅(jiān)持你的方向
如果失敗了你會(huì)怎么做?很多人可能會(huì)選擇放棄。然而，要想成功，最可靠的方法就是堅(jiān)持你的'方向和目標(biāo)。
在通往成功的路上，你必須堅(jiān)持你的方向。它就像一盞燈，在黑暗中為你指路，幫助你度過難關(guān)。否則，你很容易就會(huì)迷失方向或猶豫不前。
方向意味著目標(biāo)。人生如果沒有目標(biāo)，將一事無成。
你可以試著把你的目標(biāo)寫在紙上，并制定實(shí)現(xiàn)目標(biāo)的計(jì)劃。這樣，你就會(huì)懂得如何合理安排時(shí)間，如何正確地支配時(shí)間。而且你還要有這樣的信念：只要你一直堅(jiān)持自己的方向，你就一定可以成功。
經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦4
kung fu panda
have you ever seen the movie kung fu panda? it is an interesting movie about a lazy and slacker panda , named po , who is the biggest fan of kung fu around the village he lived .
he is very fat and is always laughed by others . besides , his father is a duck , can you believe it？i was puzzled at first , but that is not a case .
po always wants to be a master to protect himself and his family , besides his small village .but he did not make any process at the beginning . occasionally ,he won a match of fighting and he was selected by an intelligent and famous fighter , staring to learn the kung fu regularly . his master teaches him how to fight and to save the world . at last , he beat tai lung who is a leopard . po became the master at the final .
there is an interesting detail that he set the relation with his friends , monkey , tigress , viper and mantis .
after seeing this movie , i realized that no matter how hard it is , as long as we have the dream and fight for it , we will make it someday . also it is the same in our true life , we should always warn ourself that we need to set an objective aim in our mind . we must be smart and brave to make our dream come true .
finally ,this movie is an excellent and wonderful movie , if you
have time ,you can watch it .
經(jīng)典英語演講稿范文推薦5
Youth
Youth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind ; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshness ; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life .Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite , for adventure over the love of ease. This often existsin a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . Nobody grows old merely by a number of years . We grow old by deserting our ideals.
Years wrinkle the skin , but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul .Worry , fear , self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust .
Whether 60 of 16 , there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of what’s next and the joy of the game of living . In the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wireless station : so long as it receives messages of beauty , hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .
When the aerials are down , and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.
Thank you!
青春
青春不是指歲月，而是指心態(tài)。粉嫩的臉，紅潤的唇，矯健的膝并不是青春。青春表現(xiàn)在意志的堅(jiān)強(qiáng)與懦弱。想象的豐富與蒼白、情感的.充沛與貧乏等方面。青春是生命深處清泉的噴涌。青春是追求。只有當(dāng)勇氣蓋過怯弱、進(jìn)取壓倒茍安之時(shí)，青春才存在。果如此，則60見之長者比20歲之少年更具青春活力。僅僅歲月的流逝并不能使他們衰老。而一旦拋棄理想和信念，則垂垂老也。
歲月只能使皮膚起皺。而一旦喪失生活的激情，則連靈魂枯老，使人生枯如死水，毫無活力。
60歲長者也好，16歲少年也罷，每個(gè)人的內(nèi)心深處都渴望奇跡，都如孩子一般眨著期待的雙眼，期待著下一次，期待著生活的情趣，你我靈魂深處都有一座無線電中轉(zhuǎn)站------只有你我年輕，則總能聽到希望的呼喚，總能發(fā)出喜悅的歡呼，總能傳達(dá)勇氣的訊號(hào)，總能表現(xiàn)出青春的活力………
一旦青春的天線倒下，你的靈魂即為玩世不恭之雪、悲觀厭世之冰覆蓋;即使你年方20.其實(shí)你已垂垂老也。而只要你青春的天線高高聳起，就可以隨時(shí)接收到樂觀的電波-----即使你年過八旬，行將就木，而你卻仍然擁有青春，你仍然年輕。
謝謝!
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